By British Democrats Chairman, Dr. Jim Lewthwaite
An outspoken, dogmatically Corbynist pundit on GB News made a telling point this Sunday morning during a dissection of the latest Mandelson scandal: that the Blairite takeover of Labour signaled a shift toward corporate interests over those of the working class. This transformation has left working people politically homeless and effectively disenfranchised.
Since the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats compete primarily for middle-class votes, and the Greens under Polanski, represent student-union radicalism at its worst, where is the “straight white worker” to go? Where is the representation for the archetypal passenger on the Clapham omnibus?
What, then, of the poll-topping, GB News-backed Reform UK? While its members and voters may be workers and small business owners, its leaders and MPs (with the honorable exception of Lee Anderson) are hardly “callous-handed” scions of the toiling masses, they aren’t even the sons of toolmakers. Their economic policies remain orthodox, neo-Thatcherite, laissez-faire: minimize taxation, borrowing, and spending; pay off the National Debt by cutting benefits (a sensible goal, perhaps, but one involving much short-term pain); in a word, austerity.
There are no crumbs of comfort here for working-class white youth, especially those in blighted rural or deindustrialized urban areas. Only the promised abandonment of the “Net Zero lunacy” offers hope for a real improvement in living standards and industrial competitiveness through falling energy costs, and that will take time. Moreover, Reform’s budgetary math often fails to add up.
Furthermore, as I noted at the recent Traditional Britain Group Christmas Social, Reform’s true problems will only begin with a likely election victory in 2027–29. The “Deep State” or “The Blob” will obstruct, delay, and subvert their agenda just as they did with Brexit. The departing Labour administration will likely pack the House of Lords and various Quangos to dilute and sabotage any meaningful change. Will Reform’s front bench of rebranded Tory turncoats find the backbone to deliver what they failed to even attempt while in office? The electorate is still smarting from Starmer’s broken promises and numerous U-turns; why should they trust Farage?
There is, therefore, a void in the British political spectrum—a space once occupied by an older, fervently patriotic, and practically ethnonationalist Labour movement that is now only a dim memory. Its slide into the “memory hole” is no accident; it is a deliberate act of policy. If control of the past is a necessary condition for control of the future, then historical revisionism (such as the prevalence of diverse casting in historical dramas) is a primary tool.
George Watson’s excellent book, The Lost Literature of Socialism, explores how the exterminational rhetoric prefiguring the totalitarian atrocities of the 20th century was a staple of “progressive” leftists like Jack London, H.G. Wells, and George Bernard Shaw—not reactionaries. After 1945, a convenient amnesia had to be induced regarding their more embarrassing works.
Keir Starmer’s recent diatribe against Ius Sanguinis (right of blood) ethnonationalism is another example of historical revisionism. He insinuates that Windrush-era Caribbean immigrants arrived specifically to “rebuild Britain,” when many were actually fleeing the collapse of the post-WWII sugar industry. One place you rarely found these migrants was on a building site. At the time, even the white Irish were unpopular enough in those trades.
Starmer “forgets” that the earliest MPs to condemn mass immigration were often Labour men, such as those in Sheffield. He forgets that the then-Prime Minister, “Saint” Clement Attlee, asked angrily who had organized this intrusion. He forgets that many Windrushers initially struggled to find work at South London Labour Exchanges because there were simply no vacancies. British workers never refused to do “dirty” or “dangerous” jobs; they merely refused to do jobs that were unreasonably ill-paid.
Immigration, then as now, was designed to suppress wages rather than address a genuine labor “need.” The working class, then as now, needed to reserve housing and rented accommodation for local people to maintain stable, cohesive communities and prevent their offspring from being forced to move away. This was a practice an older generation of Labour understood, but which their university-indoctrinated successors now condemn as “racist” or “Far Right.”
To be continued in Part Two.
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