By British Democrats Chairman, Dr Jim Lewthwaite        

THE RAPE GANG SCANDAL—20 WASTED YEARS. THE ANTI-WHITE RACISM INSTITUTIONALISED IN THE ESTABLISHMENT

The thesis of this article is that the rape gang scandal could have been addressed as early as 2003 if the Establishment—both at local and national levels—had the courage to take action. This includes the police, local councils, courts, MPs, the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS), and ministers. Notably, Simon Danczuk, the former Labour Party Member of Parliament for Rochdale, points out that even Prime Minister Gordon Brown could have played a role in 2008.

They were not unaware that a handful of brave individuals, primarily women, had highlighted the issue; these activists and whistleblowers were marginalised, demonised, and even criminalised. They were derided as Fascists, Racists, and part of the Far Right—and they still are!

It is hard to ignore the perception that the evident fear of being accused of ‘racism’ was paired with a ‘classist’ disdain for the White working-class girls, primarily from the Midlands and the North. This attitude is typical of the political careerist class and the self-proclaimed elite in Westminster. Keir Starmer’s recent remarks indicate that nothing has changed.

To provide a couple of early examples, the most prominent case is Keighley. Reports reached leftist Channel 4 about a planned program called ‘Sex in the City,’ which focused on the issue of rape gangs. However, the network decided not to broadcast it until after the 2004 local council elections to avoid potentially benefiting the so-called far-right political groups. Channel 4’s interest was spurred by the efforts of Labour MP Ann Cryer, the widow of Bob Cryer, who began addressing the issue in 2003 despite facing ongoing intimidation from her party.

Unfortunately, she declined to collaborate with our own Angela Clarke, who was approached by MAP (Mothers Against Paedophiles) to run in the 2004 elections on a ‘Stop the Rapes’ platform in her home ward, Keighley West. As she was unfamiliar with campaigning, she reached out to our predecessors for the necessary expertise. Angela won by a wide margin, and we also secured the neighbouring Worth Valley, demonstrating the strength of local sentiment on this issue.

Angela won the Town Council seat in Braithwaite, defeating a candidate who represented a ‘stop the Far Right’ cabal of the usual suspects. By this time, she had to take measures to protect her home because of threats from local thugs and petty criminals connected to the Labour Party [see below]. Additionally, her daughter faced harassment while travelling to and from school.

Since then, Robin Moore, elected in 2019, has taken up the battle against the rape gangs. Recently, he organised a debate in the Commons on this issue. However, only one Labour MP attended—Sarah Champion from Rotherham. This is not coincidental (as explained below).

Marlene Guest spearheaded the battle in Rotherham (a particularly corrupt Labour cesspit). She was a former Liberal who transitioned to our movement when she realised that her previous party was unwilling to recognise or confront the rape gangs. She was very popular in her ward but completely isolated on the Council when I met her in the early 2000s. Sadly, she died of cancer far too young; a Labour councillor rejoiced, “Ding Dong, the Wicked Witch is dead.” Such charming people!

The Deputy Leader of the Council, who is Pakistani, was connected to a gang leader. In 2005, the Labour councillors were fully informed about the extent of the problem but did not take any action. Some of these councillors were ‘retired’ before the 2019 elections.

Following Marlene’s death, two Labour women continued the fight: Councillor Jayne Senior and Member of Parliament Sarah Champion. Jayne faced bullying from her colleagues, while Sarah was demoted for her efforts to address the issues in a town affected by 1,400 victims. Not a single senior officer in South Yorkshire has ever been dismissed.  

As for my own experience as a Councillor in Bradford, two events stand out. The first occurred in response to the threats against Councillor Angela Clarke. When I proposed a non-aggression pact to ban violence against fellow councillors, the Conservative Chief Whip agreed. However, the Labour representative shouted down the phone, “Get off this line and never call me again!” Meanwhile, the Liberal representative snarled, “You deserve everything you get. No, I won’t condemn violence against your friend.”

The second event was when I moved to condemn the rape gangs and demanded action against them. The Tory Chief Whip proposed that the motion be dismissed under Section 19, which allows for a show of hands without debate. As a result, all 86 councillors from the Conservative, Labour, Liberal, and Green parties voted against it. Under Section 19, a rejected motion is removed from the record as if it never existed—it disappears down the memory hole. This approach is reminiscent of Stalinist tactics and George Orwell’s dystopian novel Nineteen Eighty-Four.

These events happened in November 2005 (I think), and since then, over 19 years have passed, during which the gangs have operated with impunity, and the victims have continued to suffer. I have frequently challenged the Labour council to prosecute the gangs, but I have consistently been ignored.

The class prejudice was obvious from the start: victims were not believed, and rapes were written off as ‘lifestyle choices’ (as if an 11 or 13-year-old girl could have consented or legally taken up prostitution). The contempt and mistrust extended to fathers arrested for merely trying to protect their daughters.

The feeble or failing responses can be contrasted with that following another horrific case of gang rape: that committed by the 15 members of a Black racist gang, the Brixton Young Raiders (they were already guilty of 200 crimes, always against Whites or Asians) on 2 White schoolgirls (aged 15-16) who were middle-class and privately educated (probably less street-wise). The girls were abducted from the street at knifepoint and dragged into an underground car park where one girl was raped 15 times and her friend 30 times. The Metropolitan Police acted promptly, and questions were asked in Parliament by MPs (one of whom had had a daughter raped by Blacks during the 1981 riots). 

Two-tier policing and justice can be traced back many years: the Brixton case occurred in 1991. By that time, the Pakistani rape gangs were already active in other areas (with the first cases recorded in the 1970s).

The thesis of this article is that there is an anti-white racist ideology embedded within the Establishment. This ideology is reflected in the belief that ‘whiteness’ is ‘problematic’ and that the white race is the root of all evil. For a thorough examination of this phenomenon, I recommend Arthur Kemp’s book, The War on Whites, which documents the pervasive masochistic self-hatred that reinforces and amplifies the racial hatred found in certain aspects of Black and Pakistani culture. We must stop bowing to such threats, as they pose a danger not only to our safety but to our very existence.

What if the situation had been reversed, with White gangs mass raping Pakistanis and Blacks? Their response would be immediate and bloody. There are indeed rumours that the Sikhs, who are equally preyed on by their old enemies and oppressors, the Pakistani Muslims, deal with culprits quite robustly with knives and razors. Not every culture turns the other cheek, let alone bends the knee to its bigoted enemies! 

In any case, such counterfactual rapes would be stopped immediately, decisively, and rigorously by the police, supported by 24-hour courts that would impose severe sentences. This approach would be similar to how protests and social media posts were addressed following the Southport child murder committed by an Islamist of Rwandan ancestry. This situation reflects not just a two-tier justice system but the existence of two entirely different worlds.

The good news is that there is a global shift to the right, which can be described as a ‘reversal of the conjuncture.’ This shift is likely to diminish anti-white racism. However, we can expect resistance from the Civil Service, the chattering classes, and mainstream media. While Britain may currently be out of sync with the rest of the world, this disconnect will eventually be addressed through a combination of internal and external pressures.

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